Sir Thomas Browne

[A] Inaccurately written.] The collections made by the industrious Anthony Wood in reference to the life of Sir Thomas Browne, are remarkably full, and more regular than is common with that author (1). Dr. Tennison, who published part of our author's works, contents himself with saying something briefly as to his character, because it was expected that an intimate friend of Sir Thomas's would publish his life at large (2). This intimate friend was, very probably, the Rev. Mr John Whitefoot, Rector of Heigham in Norfolk, whom I find mentioned as such by Sir Thomas himself (3), and who, in all probability, preached his funeral-sermon. His minutes for that life consisting chiefly of the facts made use of in his sermon, are still preserved, and were published by the editor of our author's posthumous works (4), who has also prefixed a short life of Sir Thomas to that piece (5). Father Niceron has likewise given us, in his manner, a sketch of this gentleman's life (6), which has been canvassed by many other foreigners, as will be shewn hereafter. My reason for taking notice of these facts, is plainly this, that the reader may not be surprized at the unusual length of this article. The worth of this gentleman, and the excellency of his writings might well justify the pains that has been tken to rectify the mistakes that have been made about them; but the principal motive which led us to this copious account, is, the notice taken by foreigners of our author and his works, which has been such as few Englishmen have met with, and it seems to be a reflection on his countrymen, that while his fame is so great abroad, there should be nothing of this sort worthy of his memory, performed at home. In order to wipe off this reflection, the utmost industry has been used in collecting and digesting whatever might be necessary to satisfy the curious and intelligent peruser; and if this be has grown to a greater Bulk than is common, it must be ascribed to the author's extensive reputation, and to the numerous circumstances worthy of remembrance which occur in the history of his life and writings.

(1) Fasti Oxon. vol. 1, col. 233, 273.
Athen. Oxon. Vol. II., col. 713, 714.

(2) In his Preface to certain Miscellany Tracts by Sir Thomas Browne.

(3) Antiquities of Norwich, p. 20.

(4) Life of Sir Thomas Browne, prefixed to his Posthumous Works, p. xxix.

(5) See the Posthumous Works of the learned Sir Thomas Browne, M.D. London, 1722, 8vo.

(6) Memoires pour servir a l'Histoire des Hommes Ilust. Tom. XXIII p. 353. [Largely based on Wood, with the catalogue of the 1712 "Life" thrown in; but it has some additional notes on the reception in Europe of Browne's works, especially Religio Medici, and reminds us that the 1712 Posthumous Works is at least in part due to a Mr. Brigstoke, who married one of Browne's granddaughters.]

[B] Unless it was in London.] In a letter to Sir Kenelm Digby, dated from Norwich March 3d, 1642, Sir Thomas himself says (7), that the Religio Meici was written many years before. In his epistle to the reader, he limits this to about seven years. In the piece itself he observes, that his life had been hitherto but a restless pilgrimage, and that he had but very lately leisure to make reflections; from all which it is evident, that he wrote this treatise in 1635, and therefore he must have been in England that year, or the year before. Mr Wood seems to think, that he did not settle at Norwich till about the time of his being incorporated Doctor of Physick at Oxford; but that fact is otherwise, as appears by his monumental inscription, where it is said that he practisd Physick there forty-six years. These are, it must be confessed, but trivial circumstances, and yet there is no reason that we should not be right in these, as well as in matters of greater moment, and the rather, because hitherto these mistakes have past unobserved.

(7) This Letter is prefaced to the Religio Medici, in our author's Works.

[C] Tho' very incorrectly, in print.] This piece, which was the first essay of our author's pen, was written for his private exercise and satisfaction, then being communicated to one, it became, as he tells us, common to many; and was, by transcription, successively corrupted, until it arrived in a most depravted copy at the Press (8). It contains abundance of curious particulars relating to himself; he tells us therein, that his life was a miracle of thirty years, which to relate, were not a history but a piece of poetry, and would sound to common ears like a fable (9). He observes, that he was at that time unmarried; nay, he says plainly, I never yet cast a true affection on a woman (10). He informs us likewise, that he understood six languages (11); that he had been a great traveller (12); and many other little circumstances, which abundantly shew the truth of his assertion, that he never intended it should appear in print. The consideration, however, of these peculiarities afford us such means of entering into his character, and of forming a true idea of the nature and excellency of that little treatise, as will enable us to understand it better than any commentary could have done.

(8) See the Epistle to the reader prefixed to the Religio Medici.

(9) Religio Medici, P. II, §. 11. [If properly numbered; in the edition of 1643, which lacks a sect. 10, this is numbered sect. 12]

(10) Ibid. §. 5.

(11) Ibid. §. 8.

(12) Ibid. §. 1.

[D] In the space of a night.] Whoever has read and considered the observations of this learned Knight, would be inclined to doubt the truth of the fact, if we had not Sir Kenelm's authority for it, in his answer to that letter from Sir Thomas Brown before-cited, wherein he gives the following distinct and particular account of the matter (13). 'I verily believe there is some mistake in the information given you, and that what is printing must be from some other pen than mine: for such reflections as I made upon your learned and ingenious discourse, are so far from meriting the Press, as they can tempt no body to a serious reading of them: they were notes hastily set down, as I suddenly ran over your excellent piece, which is of so weighty a subject, and so strongly penned, as requireth much time, and sharp attention but to comprehend it; whereas what I wrote, was the employment but of one sitting; and there was not twenty-four hours between my receiving my Lord of Dorset's letter, that occasioned what I said, and the finishing of my answer to him; and yet part of that time was taken up in procuring your book, which he desired me to read, and give him an account of; for, till then, I waas so unhappy as never to have heard of that discourse. If that letter ever comes to your view, you will see the high value I set upon your great parts; and if it should be thought I have been something too bold in differing from your sense, I hope I shall easily obtain pardon, when it shall be considered, that his Lordship assigned it me, as an exercitation to oppose in it for entertainment, such passages as I might judge capable thereof; wherein what liberty I took, is to be attributed to the security of a private letter, and to my not knowing (nor my Lord's) the person whom it concerned.' This letter is dated from Winchester House where the author was prisoner, March 20, 1642.

(13) This Letter stands before the Rel. Medici, in the 1st edition of our author's Works, fol. 1686.

[E] More eagerly censured.] It may not be amiss to begin with a succinct and impartial character of this book, which so much alarmed the publick at its first appearance, and which the learned have never ceased to talk of since (14).

The Religio Medici may pass for a treatise, on which it is extremely hard to pass any judgment. It is to weak heads, perhaps, a dangerous, to proper judges a most salutary counsellor. It is the picture of the author's mind painted by himself; and who would not rejoice to see so fair a piece drawn by so fine a pencil? It is a noble representation of human nature as it is, and who can be untouched at the sight of what so nearly concerns him? It is a brave attempt to bring down those subjects, which have been supposed to be superior to man's intellects, within the view of his reason; and tho' not near enough to acquaint him with their nature, yet within such a space as to delight him with their prospect. Who then that considers this, but must own an obligation to the author? If singularities, prejudices, extravagancies, wild excursions, and sometimes gloomy reflections strike us, let us strictly examine whether the fault lies in us or in him; we ought not too readily exalt our own, at the expense of his judgment. If we meet with strange thoughts, free remarks, disagreeable discoveries, let us bring them to the touchstone of truth, and remember, that tho' anatomies of human bodies are frequent, yet we are rarely called to the dissection of a human soul. If his sentiments seem too fine spun, his conjectures brisk, his disquisitions daring, his descriptions astonishing, and his flights prodigious, let us consider that Columbus told strange tales when he returned first from his new world. In short, he has undertaken a hard task, viz. to make us, in some measure, acquainted with the Essence, as well as Attributes of God, the Nature of Angels, the Mysteries of Providence, the Divinity of the Scriptures, and which is, perhaps, most difficult of all, with ourselves. How easily he might mistake, how often he must seem obscure, how frequently digress from vulgar tracks, every candid critick will conceive, and therefore more easily excuse. To conclude our author shares the fortune of such as are distinguished by merit; such as taste his excellencies, magnify him beyond measure, while those who want the power of digesting his strong sentences, revenge themselves on his character, and intimate such suspicions, as are bred only in ignorant heads, and are published merely from malevolence of heart. With the pious and the wise, Religio Medici will always be esteemed the Gospel of Reason (15).

The surreptitious edition of this book, which made the true one necessary, was printed in the winter of 1642, and the genuine edition did not come out till the spring following (16). By the year 1685, it had run through eight editions, and there have come out two, if not three, since (17). The first annotations that were written upon it, fell from the pen of Sir Kenelm Digbby in the night of 22d of December, 1642. They are addressed to the Earl of Dorset, tho' to say the truth, it is rather a refutation, in many respects, than an explanation; and yetm, upon the whole, he confesses the Religio Medici to be a very learned and excellent piece, and speaks every whre, with much veneration, of its author's great abilities. The later editions of the book, are usually accompanied with a very complete body of notes, originally written in 1644, tho' frequently re-touched for ten years after. Who the author was of these annotations remains still a secret, but that they were not written under the direction of the author, as one might be easily tempted to think they were from their being bound up in his works, appears from hence, that now and then he mistakes the sense of his author. Soon after it was published, it was attacked by Alexander ross, who wrote an express treatise against it, under the title of Medicus medicatus, or the Physician cured (18), but it was far from meeting with success. There never were indeed men more unequally matched, than Dr Browne and Mr Ross, the former having all the advantages of strong parts and lively wit, the latter scarce any other qualification than a confused erudition grounded on a laborious course of reading without taste, penetration, or judgment, at least in any degree of comparison with the author he censures.

(14) A Century of Short Characters of Books and Authors, MS. [Referents to notes 14, 15, and 16 are placed, confusingly, proleptically in all editions of the Biographia; I have left them where they were.]

(15) This appears from Dr Browne's Letter to Sir Kenelm Digby, dated March 3, 1642.

(16) Wood's Ath. Oxon. Vol. II. col. 713 [here].

(17) These Observations corrected and enlarged, are to be found in the folio edition of Sir Thomas Browne's Works.

(18) Wood's Ath. Oxon. Vol. II. col. 713.

[F] Most of the languages of Europe.] As to the first version of it into Latin, it was made in 1644, and published in Holland, but with some difficulty, as appears from the following letter written to Dr Browne by the author of that translation, dated from Magdalen-College in Cambridge October, 1649.

It met with some demur in the first mpression at Leyden, and upon this occasion, one Haye, a book-merchant there to whom I first offered it, carried it to Salmasius for his approbation, who, in state, first laid it by for very nigh a quarter of a year, and then at last told him, that there were indeed in it many things well said, but that it contained also many exorbitant conceptions in Religion, and would probably find but frowning entertainment, especially amongst the Ministers; which deterred him from undertaking the printing. After I showed it to two more, De Vogel and Christian, both Printers; but they, upon advice, returned it also; from these I went to Hackius, who, upon two days deliberation, undertook it (19).

It came quickly to a second edition, and in 1652 it was printed at Strasbourg, with alarge body of notes written by a learned German whose name was Levinus Nicolaus Moltkenius. In his preface this writer observes, that he was first led to the perusal of this book by the reception it met with from the best judges, that England, France, Italy, Holland, and Germany rung with his applause, and much more to the same purpose. About 1668 it was printed in French, having been before translated into Italian, High-Dutch, and Low, and is still read with the highest satisfaction by persons of true genius, though, the sense and spirit of the author have been not a little injured by translations from translations; none but the Latin being made from the original, and that too having considerable deficiencies.

See the Letter at large in the Life of Sir Thomas Browne, prefixed to his Antiquities of Norwich, p. vi.

[G] In the notes gives some account.] The first writer of note that we find detracting from our author's merit, is the famous Guy Patin, who, in a letter of his dated from Paris April 7th, 1645, gives his judgment on the Religio Medici in the following words. "The book intitled Religio Medici is in high credit here. The author has wit; there are abundance of fine things in that book; he is a humourist whose thoughts are very agreeable, but who, in my opinion, is to seek for a master in Religion as many others are, and in the end, perhaps, may find none. One may say of him, as Philip de Comines did of the founder of the Minimes, a Hermit of Calabria, Francis de Paula, he is still alive, and may grow worse as well as better. (20)" I should not have cited this passage but that I find it has made some impression on the French criticks, and even upon (21) Mr Bayle, which is the more wonderful, since he could not but know, that Patin scarce spoke well of any body, and was a smatterer himself: One who dipped into books and then decided upon them, which easily accounts for his notions of the Religio Medici and its author. Yet this stroke of French censure is but gentle, in comparison of the correction given our author, and his writings, by German pens (22). One Tobias Wagner is pleased to say, that the seeds of atheistical impiety are so scattered through this book, that it can hardly be read without danger of infection. Two other learned men of the same nation, (23) Muller and (24) Reiser, agree with him in passing sentence on our author as an atheist. The very learned John Francis Buddeus is a little more moderate, for though he puts Sir Thomas Browne's name into the list of english Atheists, in conjunction with Lord Herbert of Cherbury, Thomas Hobbes, and John Toland; yet he is pleased to add, that as for Thomas Browne though he is not free from the suspicion of absolute indifference in Religion, yet from the charge of Atheism he ought certainly to be acquitted (25). But the no less learned James Frederick Reimmannus, who also wrote very largely on Atheism, and of such as have been justly or unjustly suspected thereof, has taken great pains to wipe off not only the former, but the latter aspersion from our author, and has very fairly shewn the true state of the case, that the Religio Medici has been condemned by some without reading it carefully, and by others for want of understanding what they did read (26). In a subsequent note, I shall have occasion to mention a still larger defence of our author, written by an illustrious Foreigner. Here, perhaps, it may not be amiss to add, that the Religio Medici, as soon as it was published in Latin, had a place given it in the Index Expurgatorius (27), tho' the French translator wrote a long preface, to prove that the author was very favourably inclined to the Church of Rome.

(20) Lettres Choisies de feu M. Guy Patin, &c. Frankfort, 1683, 12mo, p. 12. [The author has probably in fact taken this (or the idea of quoting it, at least) from the work of Niceron, who writes that Patin's remarks are "typically malign". I find it difficult to see the malignity, or how this "detracts from our author's merit". (I'm pretty sure that Browne would have agreed with the comment, and been amused and possibly flattered by the comparison with a saint.) Other letters by Patin, some quoted in my notes to Niceron, make further evident his admiration for the Religio Medici. That he was a bit more than a "smatterer", at least in this instance, is clear from his remarks in a later letter on the notes to the Strasbourg edition.]

(21) Oeuvres de M. P. Bayle, Tom. I., p. 25.a.

(22) In examine elenchtico atheismi speculativi, cap. v. p. 11.

(23) Exam. Atheismi, c. vi, § 34.

(25) Theses Theologicæ de Atheisme & Superstitione, p. 136.

(26) Historia Universalis Atheismi & Authorum falso & merito suspectorum, p. 448.

(27) Index Libraor. Prohibit. p. 242.

[H] Which are therein treated.] This noble monument of our author's learning consists of seven books. In the first he considers the general causes of vulgar errors, wherein with equal penetration he discovers, and patience pursues, these sources of error, till he has fully described the course of the streams to which they swell. In the remaining books he treats of particular errors; in the second of such as relate to mineral and vegetable bodies, in the third as to animals, with respect to man fourth, in the fifth of things questionable in pictures, of Geographical and Philosophical errors in the sixth, and of such as are historical in the seventh. As to the author's intention in this treatise, and how much further he has prosecuted his subject, than other writers handling it before him, together with the obligation he though himself under of defending what he wrote, information may be best received from his own pen. "We hope (says he in his epistle to the reader prefixed to the sixth edition, printed in 1673 [this common misdating of the 6th edition of Pseudodoxia may be due to broken lettering on the date on the first title page; it is dated 1672 on the second title page, and the edition of Religio Medici bound with it is dated 1672]) "it will not be unconsidered, that we find no open tract or constant manuduction in this labyrinth; but are oft-times fain to wander in the America and untravelled parts of truth. For though not many years past, Dr Primrose hath made a learned discourse of vulgar errors in Physick, yet have we discussed but two or three thererof. Scipio Mercurii hath also left an excellent tract in Italian concerning popular errors, but confining himself only to those in Physick, he hath little conduced unto the generality of our doctrine. Laurentius Joubertus, by the same title led our expectations into thoughts of great relief; whereby, notwithstanding we reaped no advantage, it answering scarce at all the promise of the inscription. Nor perhaps, if it were yet extant, should we find any further assistance from that ancient piece of Andreas, pretending the same title. And therefore, we are often constrained to stand alone against the strength of opinion, and meet Goliah and giant of authority, with contemptible pibbles, and feeble arguments drawn from the scrip and slender stock of ourselves. Nor have we indeed, scarce named any author whose name we do not honour; and if detraction could invite us, discretion surely would contain us from any derogatory intention, where highest pens and friendless eloquence must fail in commendation. And therefore, also we cannot but hope the equitable considerations and candour of reasonable minds. We cannot expect the frown of Theology herein; nor can they which behold the present state of things, and controversy of points so long received in Divinity, condemn our sober enquiries in the doubtful appurtenances of Arts and Receptaries of Philosophy. Surely Philologers and critical discoursers, who look beyond the shell and obvious exteriors of things, will not be angry with our narrower explorations. And we cannot doubt our brothers in Physick, whose knowledge in naturals will lead them into a nearer apprehension of many things delivered, will friendly accept if not countenance our endeavours. Nor can we conceive it may be unwelcome unto those honoured worthies who endeavour the advancement of learning, as being likely to find a clearer progression, when so many rubs are levelled, and many untruths taken off, which passing as principles with common beliefs, disturb the tranquility of axioms, which otherwise might be raised. And wise men cannot but know, that Arts and Learning want this expurgation; and if the course of truth be permitted unto itself, like that of time and uncorrected comptutations, it cannot escape many errors, which duration still enlargeth. Lastly, we are not magisterial in opinions nor have we, dictator-like, obtruded our conceptions; but in the humility of enquiries or disquisitions, have only proposed them unto mor eocular discerners. And therefore, opinions are free, and open it is for any to think or declare the contrary. And we shall so far encourage contradiction, as to promise no disturbance, or re-oppose any pen that shall fallaciously or captiously refute us; that shall only lay hold of our lapses, single our digressions, corollaries, or ornamental conceptions, to evidence his own in as indifferent truths. And shall only take notice of such, whose experimental and judicious knowledge shall solemnly look upon it; not only to destroy of ours, but to establish of his own; not to traduce or extenuate but to explain and dilucidate, to add and ampliate, according to the laudable custom of the Ancients in their sober promotions of learning. Unto whom, notwithstanding, we shall not contentiously rejoyn, or only to justify your own, but to applaud or confirm his maturer assertions; and shall confer what is in us unto his name and honour; ready to be swallowed in any worthy enlarger, as having acquired our end, if any way, or under any name, we may obtain a work so much desired, and yet desiderated of truth."

[I] Than concern for Truth.] The first of these appeared under this title, Arcana Microcosmi, or the hid secrets of Man's Body discovered in an anatomical duel between Aristotle and Galen concerning the parts thereof; as also by a discovery of the strange and marvelous diseases, symptoms, and accidents of man's body. With a Refutation of Dr Brown's Vulgar Errors, the Lord Bacon's Natural History, and Dr Harvey's Book de Generatione, Comenius, and others; whereunto is annexed a Letter from Dr Primrose to the author, and his Answer thereto, touching Dr Harvey's Book de Generatione, By A.R. i.e. Alexander Ross, London 1652. By transcribing this whole title it appears that the author had a great inclination to distinguish himself by combating the opinions of famous men. He was a sort of knight-errant in the learned world, whose Dulcinea was Antiquity. Much of his humour appears int he manner of print his book, the running title of which to page 92 is, The hid Secrets of Man's Body discovered; from 92 to 207, Dr. Browne's Vulgar Errors refuted and answered; from 224 to 243, a Refutation of Dr Harvey and Fernelius: from 244 to 265, a Refutation of the Lord Bacon's Natural History; and thence to the end of the book, a Refutation of Comenius. Yet on the whole it must be allowed, that this is far from being so mean a piece as many have represented it; there is in it a great deal of vanity, and more spleen, but withal there wants not truth, learning, and some sense. There was anotehr answer published under the following title (28), Eudoxa, seu Quæstionum quarundum Miscellanearum Examen probabile, &c. London 1656 8vo. written by John Robinson, M.D. But this did its author no great honour, and had not merit enough to make it much known in the world.

(28) Wood's Ath. Oxon. Vol. II. col. 713. [The title is in fact Endoxa; the error is Wood's. The Biographia Britannica gives the date as "1756".]

[K] Abundant testimonies may be produced.] It is somewhat surprizing, that so very learned a treatise as this, and which its author once thought to have published in Latin, should never have been translated into that language, which however has not hindered it from being very well known abroad. It was first translated into Low-Dutch by John Grundal, and printed at Amsterdam, in 1668. 8va. It was afterwards published in High-Dutch by a noble author, for though in the title page of the book, printed at Nuremberg, in 1680. 4to the translator calls himself Christopher Peganius, yet this was only according to the mode of Germany, the true author being Christian Knorr, Baron of Rosenroth.* The judicious Morhof (29) speaks of this work of our author's twice, with all possible marks of approbation and esteem. "No modern author, says he, has treated this subject more accurately or copiously. In his first book he learnedly enquires into the general causes of error, and in his succeeding books he not only discourses of the mistakes which are crept into Natural Philosophy, but such also as have corrupted History, Theology, Mechanic Arts, and Physick." The famous Reimmannus (30) delivers himself in these terms. "As he excelled in Theoretical and Practical Divinity, so he shone no less in Philosophy, wherein he emulated Hercules, and undertaking by his Pseudodoxia Epidemica to clear the Sciences from errors, he fell nothing short of the other's labour in cleansing the Augean Stable." Father Niceron (31) speaking of this book says, "That it is an excellent work and contains abundance of curious things".

* [The mystic and cabalist Christian Knorr von Rosenroth, author of Kabala denudata. One wonders why he chose to translate the Vulgar Errors. His other works include translations of Porta and Ortus Medicinae, in collaboration with Von Helmont (!).]

(29) Polyhistor. II. 2, 1, 9. III. 5, 1, 10.

(30) Historia universalis Atheismi, p. 448.

(31) Memoires pour servir a l'Histoire des Hommes Illust. Tom. XXIII, p. 357.

[L] Considering its bombast and foolish title.] This book called itself, Nature's Cabinet unlock'd; wherein is discovered the natural Causes of Metals, Stones, precious Earth, &c. London 1657. 12mo. Mr Wood's character of this book is, "That it is a dull worthless thing, stole for the most part of the Physick of Magirus, by a very ignorant person, a Plagiary so illiterate and unskillful in his author, that not distinguishing between lævis and levis, in the said Magirus, hath told us of the Liver, that one part of it is gibbous, and the other light; and yet he had the confidence to call this scribble, Nature's Cabinet unlock'd, an arrogant and fancilful title, of which our author's true humility would no more have suffered him to have been the father, than his great learning could have permitted him to have been the author of the said book (32)." Dr Browne in an advertisement, as from the Stationer, disclaims it thus, "I cannot omit to advertise, that a book was published not long since, intituled, Nature's Cabinet unlock'd, bearing the name of this author; if any man have benefited thereby, this author is not so ambitious as to challenge the honour thereof, as having no hand in that work (33)."

(32) Ath. Oxon. Vol. II. col. 713.

(33) Printed at the end of his treatise, intituled, The Garden of Cyrus, &c. [The Stationer to the Reader]

[M] Uncommon and useful observations.] The first Treatise concerning Urn burial was occasioned by the digging up between 40 and 50 of these monuments of antiquity in a field of Old Walsingham, in the latter end of the year 1657, or the beginning of 1658. These urns were deposited in a dry and sandy soil not a yeard deep, and at no great distance from each other, they were not exactly similar nor much unlike, some contained two pounds of bones, distinguishable in sculls, ribs, jaws, thigh-bones, and teeth, with fresh impressions of combusion, besides extraneous substance, like pieces of small boxes or combs handsomely wrought, handles of small brass instruments, brasen nippers, and in one some kind of opal. Near the same plot of gorund, for about six yards compass, were digged up coals and incinerated substances, whih begat conjecture tht this was the Ustrina, or place of burning their bodies, or some sacrificing place unto the Manes, which was properly below the surface of the ground, as the Aræ and altars unto the gods and heroes above it. That these were the urns of Romans from the common custom and place where they found, is no obscure conjecture, not far from a roman garrison, and but five miles from Brancaster, set down by ancient record under the name of Brannodunum. And where the adjoining town, containing seven parishes, in no very different sound, but Saxon termination, still retains the name of Burnham, which being an early station, it is not improbable the neighbour parts were filled with habitations, either of Romans themselves, or Britons romanised, which observed the Roman customs.

[N] Have been made publick.] These letters were written partly in the autumn of the year 1658, and partly in the spring of 1659, and contain abundance of curious particulars in relation to our Antiquities. They were published among the posthumous works of Mr Browne, and I mention them here only to take notice, that one of the pieces before published by Dr Tennison under the title of Miscellanies, belongs properly to this collection. The title of it is, Of Artificial Hills, Mounts, or Burrows, in many parts of England, what they are to what end raised, and by what nations. Before it there is a quære in answer to which it is written, said to have come from his honoured friend Mr E.D. This E. should certainly be a W. for without question the letters were intended for William Dugdale, as may be easily discerned by comparing the contents of this with those of the epistles before-mentioned; and I take it to be the only letter amongst those Miscellanies of which any certain account can be given. It is manifest from hence, that he was regarded as an oracle in these matters, even by such a man as Sir William Dugdale, whose knowledge in British Antiquities is unanimously confessed, and the answers given him by Sir Thomas Browne, are such as suficiently demonstrate his having enquired narrowly, even into the abstrusest subjects.

[O] That is any where extant.] This letter is dated Norwich, January 15th, 1663. Some particulars seem worthy of being transcribed, inasmuch as we scarce find any thing in relation to this island, elsewhere which is not strongly mixed with fable. "Great store of drift, or float-wood, says he, is ever year cast upon their shores, brought down by the northern winds, which serveth them for fewel, and other uses, the geratest part whereof is fir. Of bears there are none in the country, but sometimes they are brought down from the north upon ice, while they follow seals, and are carried away. Two in this manner came over and landed in the north of Iceland this last year 1662. No conies or hares, but of foxes great plenty, whose white skins are much desired, and brought over into this country. The last winter, 1662, so cold and lasting with us in England, was the mildest they have had for many years in Iceland. Two new eruptions with slime and smoak, were observed the last year in some mountains about Mount Hecla. Some hot mineral springs they have and very effectual, but they make but rude use thereof.The rivers are large, swift, and rapid, but have many falls, which render them less commodious; they chiefly abound with Salmons. they sow no corn, but receive it from abraod. They have a kind of large lichen, which dried becometh hard and sticky, growing very plentifully in many places, whereof they make use for food, either in decoction or powder, some whereof I have by me, different from any with us. In one part of the country and not near the sea, there is a large black rock, which polished, resembleth touchstone, as I have seen in pieces thereof of various figures. --- An exceeding fine russeth down is sometimes brought unto us, which their great number of fowls afford, and sometimes store of feathers, consisting of the feathers of small birds. Besides shocks, and little hairy dogs, they bring another sort over, headed like a fox, which they say are bred betwixt dogs and foxes; these are desired by the shepherds of this country. Green plovers which are plentiful here in the winter, are found to breed there in the beginning of summer. Some sheep have been brought over, but of coarse wool, and some horses of mean stature, but strong and hardy; one whereof kept in the pastures by Yarmouth, in the summer, would often take the sea, swimming a great way, a mile or two, and return the same; when its provision failed in the ship wherein it was brought, for many days, it fed upon hoops and casks; nor at the land would for many months, be brought to feed upon oats. These accounts I received from a native of Iceland, who comes yearly into England; and by reason of my long acquaintance, and directions I sent unto some of his friends against the Elephantiasis or Leprosy, constantly visits me before his return, and is ready to perform for me what I shall desire in his country; wherein, as in any other ways, I shall be very ambitious to serve the noble Society, whose most honouring Servant, I am, T.B." --- This last paragraph shews, that this letter was written at the instance of the Royal Society, and is a proof how much he was considered by that learned body of men, who at their first institution were the glory of this island and the wonder of Europe.

[P] In this addition of honour.] This passage occurs in his Antiquities of Norwich, where, speaking of the cathedral and city, he says, "Tho' this church, for its spire, may compare, in a manner, with any in England, yet in its tombs and monuments it is exceeded by many. No Kings have honoured the same with their ashes, and but few with their preference. And it is not without some wonder, that Noriwch having been for a long time so considerable a place, so few Kings having visited it: of which number among so many Monarchs since the Conquest, we find but four, viz. King Henry III. Edward I. Queen Elizabeth, and our gracious sovereign now reigning, King Charles II, of which I had a particular reason to take notice (34)."

(34) Antiquities of Norwich, p. 35.

[Q] The highest honour.] The first who took the pains to digest and fit for the press the piees our author left behind him in such a degree of perfection as seem to intimate his design of printing them, was Dr Thomas Tennison, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, who published, from his manuscripts, at London 1684. 8vo. A collection of Miscellaneous Tracts, containing, 1. Observations upo nseveral plants mentioned in Scripture. 2. Of Garlands, and Coronary or Garland Plants. 3. Of the Fishes catched by our Saviour with his Disciples, after the Resurrection. 4. An Answer to certain Queries relating to Fishes, Birds, and Insects. 5. Of Hawks and Falconry, ancient and modern. 6. Of Cymbals and other musical Instruments. 7. Of Ropalic or gradual Verses. 8. Of Languages, particularly the Saxon. 9. Of artificial Hills, Mounts, and Burrows, in many places of England. 10. Of Troas, what place is meant by that name. Also the Situation of Sodom, Gomorrah, and Zeboim. 11. Of the Answers of the Oracle of Apollo at Delphos to Croesus. 12. A Prophecy concerning the future State of several Nations. 13. Musæum Clausum, containing some Books, Antiquities, Picttures, and Rarities of several kinds scarce or never seen by any man now living. These with the other Treatises published in his life-time, were printed in one folio Volume at London 1686. His son Dr Edward Browne published in 1690, a single tract of his father's, intituled, A Letter to a Friend, upon Occasion of the Death of his intimate Friend. It contains about twenty-four pages in 8vo* and we meet therein with many curious things, and a conclusion so pious, that whoever reads it will discern with indignation the falshood of such calumnies as have been spread in relation to his indifference in Religion. The third guardian of our author's fame was his grandson by marriage, Owen Brigstock, Esq; who communicated his remains to those who afterwards published them, under the title of, Posthumous Works of the Learned Sir Thomas Browne, Knt. M.D. late of Norwich, printed from his original manuscripts, viz. I. Repertorium, or the Antiquities of the Cathedral Crhuch of Norwich. II. An Account of some Urns, &c. found at Brampton in Norfolk, anno 1667. III. Letters between Sir William Dugdale and Sir Thomas Browne. IV. Miscellanies. Last of all, in 1716, there was published a book of his in 12mo intituled, Christian Morals, by Sir Thomas Browne of Norwich, M.D. and author of Religio Medici, published from the original and correct manuscript of the author, by John Jeffery, D.D. Archdeacon of Norwich. It was dedicated by our author's daughter, Mrs Elizabeth Littleton, to David, Earl of Buchan. And Dr. Jeffery in his preface observes, that if any one after he has read Religio Medici, and this discourse, can doubt whether the same person was the author of them both, he may be assured by the testimony of Mrs Littleton above-mentioned, who lived with her father, when it was composed by him, and who at the time read it written by his own hand, and also by the testimony of others, of whom the Doctor is one, who read the manuscript of the author immediately after his death, and who have since read the same; from which it was faithfully and exactly transcribed for the press. The reason why it was not printed before was, because it was unhappily lost by being mislaid among other manuscripts, for which search was lately made in the presence of Archbishop Tennison, of which his Grace by letter informed Mrs Littleton, when he sent the manuscript to her. Dr Jeffery likewise tells us, that there is nothing printed in the discourse, or in the short notes, but what is found in the original manuscript, except only where an oversight had made the addition or transposition of some words necessary.

*[It was published 12 pages folio.]

[R] As to the method of reading physical authors.] This letter was communicated to the world by a very learned and ingenious gentleman (35), but to whom it was directed is not known.“ Ἐκ βιλίου κυβερνῆτας [i. e. Statesman from the book] is grown into a proverb; and no less ridiculous are they who think out of books to become Physicians. I shall therefore mention such as tend less to ostentation than use, for the directing a novice to observation and experience, without which you cannot expect to be other than ἐκ βιβλίου κυβερνῆτας. Galen and Hippocrates must be had as Fathers and fountains of the faculty. And indeed Hippocrates's Aphorisms should be conned for the frequent use which may be made of them. Lay your foundation in Anatomy, wherein αυτοψία must be your fidus achates. The help that books can afford, you may expect, besides what is delivered sparsim from Galen and Hippocrates, Vesalius, Spigelius, and Bartholinus. And be sure you make yourself master of Dr Harvey's piece De Circul. Sang. which discovery I prefer to that of Columbus. The knowledge of Plants, Animals, and Minerals (whence are fetched the Materia Medicamentorum) may be your πάρεργον; and so far as concerns Physick, is attainable in gardens, fields, Apothecaries and Druggists shops. Read Theophrastus, Dioscorides, Matthiolus, Dodonæus, and our English Herbalists: Spigelius's Isagoge in rem herbariam will be of use. Wecker's Antedotariam specialie, Renodæus for composition and preparation of medicaments. See what Apothecaries do. Read Morelli formulas medicas, Bauderoni Pharmacopæa, Pharmacopæa Augustana. See chymical operations in hospitals, private houses. Read Fallopius, Aquapendente, Paræus, Vigo, &c. Be not a stranger to the useful part of Chymistry. See what Chymistators do in their officines. Begin with Tyrocinium Chymicum, Crollius, Hartmannus, and so by degrees march on. Materia Medicamentorum, Surgery, and Chemistry, may be your diversions and recreations; Physick is your business. Having therefore gained perfection in Anatomy, betake yourself to Sennertus's Institutions, which read with care and diligence two or three times over, and assure yourself, that when you are a perfect master of these Institutes, you wll seldom meet with any point in Physick to which you will not be able to speak like a man. This done, see how Institutes are applicable to practice, by reading upon diseases in Sennertus, Fernelius, Mercatus, Hollerius, Riverius, in particular treatises, in counsels and consultations, all which are of singular benefit. But in reading upon diseases, satisfy yourself not so much with the remedies set down (altho' I would not have these altogether neglected) as with the true understanding the nature of the disease, its causes, and proper indications for cure. For by this knowledge, and that of the instruments you are to work by, the Materia Medicamentorum, you will often conquer with ease those difficulties, through which books will not be able to bring you, secretum Medicorum est judicium. Thus have I briefly pointed out the way, which, closely pursued, will lead to the highest pitch of the art you aim at. Although I mention but a few books (which, well digested, will be instar omnium) yet it is not my intent to confine you. If at one view you would see who hath written, and upon what diseases, by way of counsel and observation, look upon Moronus's Directorium Medico-practicum. You may look upon all, but dwell upon few. I need not tell you the great use of the Greek tongue in Physick; without it nothing can be done to perfection. The words of art you may learn from Gorræus's Definitiones Medicæ. This, and many good wishes, from your loving friend. T.B."

(35) By the learned and ingenious Richard Middleton Massey, M.D., F.R.S.

[S] Equal as well as candid judges.] The celebrated Hermannus Conringius, the glory of the German nation, professed himself always a great admirer of our author, and was wont to say, he always read his Religio Medici with fresh delight; and in respect to that imputation of Atheism, or indifferency in point of Religion, which had been circulated with such industry by certain supercilious Criticks, he delivered his sentiments of it in these words: Utinam nemo Medicorum, imo Theologorum, illo homine sit minus religiosus. i. e. I wish no Physician, I will go farther and say, none of our Divines, were less religious than this man (36). If we consider the great character, and still greater merit, of Conringius, we cannot but allow his testimony to weigh down the prejudices of a multitude of minor Criticks, who have no way of raising a reputation to themselves, but by attacking such of the learned as are in possession of it. The learned and judicious Frederick Heister (37), son of the celebrated Lawrence Heister, whose system of Surgery has made him known to all the learned world, thought himself obliged, on Buddæus's publishing a large work against Atheism and Superstition, to vindicate the Physicians in general, and our author in particular, from the injurious aspersions cast upon him in that book. His defence of Dr Browne takes up the whole xixth section, in which, from a great variety of passages in our author's works, he demonstrates the cruelty of this calumny, as well as its notorious falshood. It is true that Michael Lilienthal (38), in his dissertation on Literary Machiavelism, has a stroke at Sir Thomas Browne, as if he had been an enemy to antiquity; and the famous Peter Bayle (39) speaks but slightly of him in some part of his works; yet when the censures and characters of these Criticks are compared and considered, they will be found to do as much honour to our author's memory, as the praises of other men. On the whole, we may safely say, that as his pen vindicated useful science by vanquishing and driving away a multitude of errors which whad been long received; so his fame has triumphed over envy, and will appear in the eyes of posterity as clear and bright as the truths which he espoused; nd it was with great justice this sentence was inscribed on his monument, Scriptis quibus tituli, Religio Medici & Pseudodoxia epidemica aliisque per orbem notissimus.

(36) Conringianæ, p. 10.

(37) Eliæ Frederici Heisteri Laurentii filii Apologia pro medicis qua eorum depellitur cavillatio, qui Medicinam in Atheismum aliosque in Theologia errores abducere perhibent, & qua simul præcipui Medici & nominatim Hippocrates, Galenus, Cardanus, Taurellus, Vannius, & Brownius, qui Atheismi crimine commaculati sunt, defenduntur. Amstelædami, 1736, 8vo.


(38) §. v. p. 39.

(39) See his Illustration upon the Scepticks, §. vi.